Brazil's Amazon Fund: A “Green Fix” between Offset Pressures and Deforestation Crisis

Emissions trading and nature-based solutions, particularly REDD+, have lent themselves to the critical literature on “socioecological fix” in neoliberal capital accumulation state regulation. Prone reversals, land conflict, leakage, these mechanisms displace burden of carbon emissions reductions global South countries, promote new green commodities, thus increase rather than curb chance accumulations by big polluters. Studies existing REDD+ projects register privatisation forest management one hand “aidification” other, suggesting impediments fully commodifying ranging from social movement resistance technical issues. This case study Brazil's national Amazon Fund points protagonism constructing negotiating challenging Northern market hegemonies. Progressive Southern actors use political space fix defend rural communities' territorial rights demand resources line with historic responsibilities climate justice. O mercado de carbono e as soluções baseadas na natureza, particularmente têm sido um tema central da literatura sobre a “conserto socioecológico” acumulação regulamentação estatal. Com riscos retrocesso conflitos terra, estes mecanismos deslocam carga reduções emissões para os países do Sul Global, promovem novas commodities verdes assim aumentam, em vez diminuir, acúmulo por grandes poluidores. Estudos projetos registram privatização manejo florestal, lado, dominância cooperação internacional estatal outro, sugerindo impedimentos plena comercialização desde resistência movimento até questões técnicas. Este estudo caso Fundo Amazônia Brasil aponta o protagonismo Global construção negociação desafiando hegemonias norte mercado. Os atores progressistas utilizam espaço político defender direitos territoriais tradicionais pedir recursos, acordo com responsabilidades históricas justiça climática. At beginning 21st century, sink quality forests rose paradigm for approaching problem deforestation, leading establishment mechanism “Reducing deforestation degradation role conservation, sustainable enhancement stocks developing countries” (called REDD+) within United Nations Framework Convention Climate Change (UNFCCC) (Fry 2002, 2007, 2008). process includes controversial consideration credits avoided landowners (or municipalities, communities) tradeable compensation high-emitting countries sectors such aviation—a socio-environmental geography debates (Boyd 2010; Ehrenstein 2018; Rudel 2001). Most are South, home indigenous traditional communities, critics raise substantive concerns surrounding offsets commodification forests.1 leaders EU, Norway, UK, US promoted offset schemes, while Brazil, until recently, led sceptics, defending instead publicly governed programmes, without generation (McAfee 2016; Streck 2019).2 Though rushed regulate much assistance donor agencies technologies, finance, prices, reduction not fulfilled their promises (Asiyanbi Lund 2020; Duchelle et al. Milne 2019). funding has come public foreign aid, especially Norway's International Forest Initiative (NICFI) German aid (see Table 1 mechanisms).3 Between 2008 2019, Fund—the only major fund managed recipient agency—raised international expectations USD 1.3 billion donations Norwegian government (93.8%), Germany's development bank KfW (5.7%), Brazilian semi-public oil company Petrobras (0.5%) (BNDES 2022). Using price 5 per ton dioxide, it rewarded performance reduced calculated difference between measured defined baseline.4 The average rates previous 10 years, updated every five determined donation level. For instance, 2006 2012 (the lowest recorded) were compared reference level equal 1996 2005. In far-right Jair Bolsonaro abolished eliminating civil society councils. Only previously approved had been implemented since then. Luis Ignacio Lula Silva reopened Norway Germany first day office. analysis examines contribute theorising socioecological fix: shows that creation this “pilot initiative” is donors. Particularly, agency contests transforms rich countries’ privatising, commodifying, aidifying processes fix. draws extensive field work part doctoral research. I conducted 160 qualitative semi-structured interviews Portuguese, English, 2017 2021 across Germany, at COP24 Katowice, COP25 Madrid, COP26 Glasgow. interviewed representatives agencies, federal servants, politicians, diplomats, consultants, engineers, researchers, lawyers, NGOs movements (Bennett Elman 2006). paper, which focuses policymaking action, mainly draw officials, activists (Bogner 2009; Helfferich 2009).5 addition, collected project documents (proposals, memoranda, reports, news articles, secondary literature) (Brazil's ministry) private archives reconstruct decisions events (Bohnsack 1999; Rothbauer 2017). also participated workshops, seminars, important initiatives deepen understanding power dynamics, actors’ attitudes, strategies, concerns. article goes discuss socioenvironmental present contribution hegemony, state, privatisation, commodification. empirical begins presenting geopolitical importance alternative offset-driven forest-based mitigation. subsequent sections look its implementation contested human rights-based approaches. idea offsetting, other economy solutions being socioecological/environmental fixes extensively discussed ecology (Bryant 2015; Carton 2019; Ekers Prudham 2015, Enns Jessop 2000; McCarthy Paladino Fiske 2017; Palmer 2021; Surprise 2018). environmental David Harvey's “spatiotemporal fix”. It denotes externalising into peripheries, spatially displacing, temporally deferring, crisis-tendencies capitalism dual sense word—fixating material form provisionally repairing conditions (Harvey 2001, 2005a, 2005b). extends economist concept fix, highlighting metabolic involve (under)production nature (Ekers O'Connor 1998; Polanyi 1957) exploration reproduction (Aulenbacher Leiblfinger Fraser 2011). Today then, ideological symbolic dynamics internal become establishing economic both materially discursively While some consider any temporary solution crises, studies sinks stress inherent geographical colonial logic capitalist subsumption (Fletcher Bumpus Liverman (2008) Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) system UNFCCC's Kyoto Protocol, allowed polluting compensate emissions, North–South action (Benites-Lazaro Mello-Théry 2017).6 Bryant (2015) develop argument looking CDM India showing how purchase Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) allows fossil fuel industries pollute meeting targets greener. (2021) considers EU energy providers’ employment distant carbon-storing properties avoid coal. Similarly, investment legitimises country's continued extraction (Svarstad Benjaminsen And Kellokumpu (2022) Finnish media justifies bioeconomy practical crisis paper pulp production sectors. Socioenvironmental like manufacture affinities partnerships conservation (Le Billon 2021). argues programmes live up promises. Instead, proponents craft success narratives spectacle legitimise mitigation Svarstad Bulkan (2017) analysed auditing Guyana, identifying preference swift superficial democratic governance accountability programmes. There little evidence or will reduce countries. Donors most policy studies, Center Forestry Research (CIFOR) (Angelsen Assessments point failure address structural drivers food industry. Moreover, indicate may serve fig leaf thereby promulgate extractivism (Krause Schmink A shared market-based regulation (Castree 2008; Robertson 2004). sense, current centre investments “green” infrastructure “sustainable” goods services Malm 2004; Smith However, notion relates capital, regulates (Arsel Büscher 2012; Bitter 2011; Ioris 2007). Castree defines ecological non-human world. context, suggests aidification—mostly financed programmes—does preclude nor agribusiness mining investment, but tightens link spheres 2020). On hand, Bakker's (2004, 2005) water reforms UK biophysical geographic characteristics nature's “unruly” substances can impede result reregulation, is, restrained hegemony. turns fictitious commodity 2017), unstable locally merely achieve discursive, partial, hybrid (Brenner 2014; Müller Peck 2013). relationship warrants investigation, including transformation broader include capture storage others scholarship tends focus small-scale agree knowledge drive written about policy-makers Existing project-level analyses subjective grabbing, infringements, marginalisation Chomba Fairhead Scheba 2018) explain dealing Rodrigues contributes addressing dimension turning funds driving implementation. How designed negotiated, driven? Are they intended be problems, what purposes? questions shed light forces resisting understand why protagonists set up, occupy, seek negotiate countries—contrary emphasis local ownership—are controlled organisations UNEP, UNDP, World Bank, FAO 1). As Asiyanbi Massarella (2020) show Tanzania Nigeria, donors steer instrumentalise establish standardised model policies, regions, projects. blueprint approach typical apparatus prevents promised through REDD+. Krause's notable exception agency. Colombia's programme Visión Amazonía—funded (like Fund)—masked namely mining, ranching, extractivism, intensive agriculture (Enns We expect similar Fund, promotes planning tools fund. Brazil significant player negotiations (Hochstetler Milkoreit 2015). According tendency mentioned above, single fund's financial mechanism, domestic context (Marcovitch Pinsky 2014). Reviews agreement differs cooperation recipients claims more control over analyse multi-stakeholder (Bidone 2022), results-based financing diverging understandings among constitutes legitimate results (van der Hoff hint conflict regarding payments serving past performance. rising 2013 put doubt feasibility mechanism. But difficulties finding indications effectiveness reducing despite contributions mediating instruments monitoring (Correa Correa project-focused notions politics re-examine assumptions seeks nuanced dynamics. setting occupying fixes. socio-ecological transition because size, biodiversity, freshwater, mineral (Carvalho region subject successive colonialisation exploitation, oppression seringueiros during rubber boom 19th century (Almeida Bunker 1988). Since 1970s, exploitation implicated around. trope endangers sovereignty Amazonia shaped Foreign Ministry's activities under various administrations (Burges 2008, Hochstetler Keck same time, 1980s, trade frameworks integrated natural intellectual property regimes (Mueller result, leader exporting soy cattle, main driver region, an export corridor producer economy, displacing dispossessing populations (Becker 1988, Costa 2005). After China, imports palm cause (Spring Zell-Ziegler Mining, infrastructure, energy, ventures connected resource frontier (Brannstrom Hecht 2005; Thaler indigenous, traditional, Quilombola (traditional peoples African Indigenous descent) gained influence internationally, organising against neo-extractivist 1995; 2003a). Although reconsidered eligibility 1990s, top given geostrategic (Hicks 2010). Before influenced agenda. 1992 2009, Pilot Program Conserve Rain (PPG7) Group Seven (G7) Bank built capacitated municipal institutions secretaries nine states. PPG7 was “greening” military dictatorship Young 2002). Through PPG7, became constitutive 2022; Hulme Murphree Mol 2003). Concurrently, NASA Large-Scale Biosphere-Atmosphere Experiment (LBA), structure National Institute Space (INPE) publishes (Fearnside Lahsen 2009).7 With successes demarcating areas promoting modernisation, donor-dominated forest-centred mediated integration Amazon. G7 donors, all IMF shareholders, liberalisation stimulated expansion agribusiness, megaprojects, extractive (Hecht 2003b). words, spreading compliance mechanisms, (Ioris 2017, From 2003, Worker's Party (PT) President Luiz Inácio strengthened enforcement illegal Action Plan Prevention Control Deforestation Legal (PPCDAM) (Oliveira 2016). drastic decrease rainforest (Figure 1) boosting soy—to detriment neighbouring Cerrado nearly destroyed (Maia 2011).8 Given emission reductions, position defended integrity 2 timeline events) statement diplomat illustrates this: Coalition Rainforest COP-11 Montreal, REDD back agenda Lula's second term Discoveries “Pre-Salt layer” launch Pact Zero Congress, COP-15 Copenhagen Governor's Task Force Forests (GCF), U.S. governors inclusion markets Strategy (ENREDD+) Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) arrested, imprisoned, prohibited running PT's presidential candidate Election COP26: Glasgow Leaders' Declaration Land Use Article 6 sets framework Federal Court rules extinction COFA art. Decree 10.223/2020 unconstitutional Every time issue comes them facts. my laptop, IPCC numbers. our profile, globally. if anyone says we should specific say coal gas. line: no You cannot shift attention sector.9 When emerged, there unregulated grievous adventures “carbon cowboys” Amazon.10 Already COP9 Milan, group environmentalists “compensations deforestation”, NGO representative argue “made Brazil” (Gebara 2017).11 California, USA, states Acre, Amapá, Amazonas, Mato Grosso, Pará, founded Governors’ (GCFTF) offsets. All joined then advanced state-level (Zwick launched initiative preceding weaken pro-offset forces. advisors Minister Environment, sought break donor-driven projects, doubted whether would invest already achieved did give credits.12 delegates presented conference Bali, where (NICFI). Environment minister Erik Solheim saw fit NICFI proposal. country technology manage scale.13 conveyed “know works” and, investor perspective, could “deliver” poorer countries.14 proposal catered offering “zero risk” zero costs consultations preparation.15 Pointing spatiotemporal claim increases “aid passing delivery risk recipients” (Clist 2016:290). wanted money go GEF, another multilateral organisation. disagreed proposed though developed different options. (BNDES) interested, believed conditions. agreed BNDES’ credibility.16 choice BNDES nationalised instrument. height PT government's confrontation groups building hydroelectric dam Belo Monte typically invested agribusiness.17 emergence displacement extractivism. diplomatic cable, prime expected “positive impact” “ties area exploring [Brazil's] newly discovered offshore gas reserves”. He referred companies consultants “who help follow ‘Norwegian Model’ sector”.18 halted purpose efforts. contrast market-driven reflects support based historical responsibility presents neither aidification story. version pillars PPCDAM (46%, 667.3 million towards control, protected areas), “improving farmers’ access regularisation compliance”, well public–private partnerships, so-called Thus, strict supported “guardians forest” low-deforestation areas. co-benefits legitimacy (Pelletier Amazonian governments, universities, “third sector”, broad definition 2019b). Until 2021, 102 budgeted 693 million. total million, 256.6 gone states, 140.6 241.1 Project applications needed demonstrate scale operational capacity “sociobiodiversity”, focused marketing commercialisation non-timber products, turn cooperatives competitive.19 corporate requirements generated biases small quilombola, people (COFA 2010, GIZ advising strategy called aglutinadores (umbrella NGOs) executed 10-15 organisations. activity reached 507 207,000 criteria concentration funds, observers find 80% went half NGOs, Fundação Amazonas Sustentável (FAS), Wildlife (WWF), Nature Conservancy (TNC) Observers administration criticised lack capillarity flexibility working grants, populations. gradually expanded expertise maintaining bureaucratic filters. Rural argued dynamic weakened visibility organisations.20 bureaucrat Ministry noted: “The translated makes many cases unviable associate large ones resources”.21 Petrobrás, calls Sustainable Productive Arrangements prioritise sector participation. benefit partner. That exists Vale Rio Doce donates 60 joins fosters business Amazon.23,24, 23,24 accommodated conservation. Comparable literature, instrument brought together, polluters seeking Nobody talks carbon. indicators Strategy, Warsaw Framework, demon advocates. payment results, hugging tree counting thing NDC [Nationally Contribution]. longer UNFCCC.25 attend meetings